When was arab spring

But with violent repression by the government, the revolt turned into civil war. More from News. US: Death toll from Astroworld music festival stampede rises to 9. Rittenhouse murder trial: Closing arguments to be heard on Monday.

Mexico raises interest rates for the fourth consecutive time. Most Read. While prominent young people were behind the organisation of the early protests and the mobilisation efforts in each Arab country throughout the uprisings, their leadership was very much lacking in hierarchy and was marked by a high degree of decentralisation, with new voices being added constantly.

This diffuse leadership stands in stark contrast to the past, when anti-colonial or nationalist struggles were highly dependent on a charismatic leader capable of mobilising people through the power of his rhetoric and message. Nothing of the sort occurred during the Arab Spring, when, in fact, the paternalism of old opposition leaders attempting to ride the wave of the revolution was wholly rejected in all the squares across the region.

The second element is related to the means through which mobilisation and activism took place. Again, this type of activism was not believed to be particularly significant before the uprisings, yet people in the region had taken to the web with great enthusiasm to discuss all sorts of matters as it seemed to be the only open space available to them to discuss social, economic and political issues.

The regimes obviously policed the Internet and social media precisely because they felt they were threatening and would not likely have bothered with them if they had thought they were harmless. The important point here is that the closure of all free spaces of discussion and confrontation and the inability of most civil society groups to effect genuine change led a significant number of individuals to discuss, vent and offer solutions through new technologies and social media.

This individual activated citizenship might have been uncoordinated and confusing for some time, but when coupled with offline street mobilisation, it provided three vital advantages for demonstrators. First, it enabled a very rapid exchange of information among activists, who could communicate online and establish meeting points and activities to be undertaken in real time with none of the delays that prevented more formal and hierarchical organisations from acting quickly. In many ways, social media and new technologies were the perfect means for politically unaffiliated youth acting first in concert without ever having really developed offline social trust.

Authoritarian regimes had always managed to survive thanks in part to their ability to curtail unofficial and unsanctioned discourses about the reality on the ground. New technologies and social media instead allowed counter-discourses to emerge and be disseminated, fundamentally undermining the monopoly on truth that the regimes counted on. Despite the shutdowns, blockages and filters that the security services put in place, the flow of information seemed to be constant, with activists finding ways to get around obstacles.

Finally, the third advantage lay in the consolidation of a transnational Arab public opinion, which enabled the quick spread of contagious ideas and means of mobilisation across the region. Thus, while a nuanced judgement is required regarding the revolutionary role of social media and new technologies, they were an important element in popularising a type of activism based on individual contributions to online debates that has hitherto been under-examined.

Bloggers became the new security threat, and, while their writings might not have been as widely distributed or read, the sheer amount of information helped to keep the uprising going, as did the repression. Once the wall of fear crumbled, even the repression seemed to be an incentive to continue with the protests rather than a deterrent.

The third element was the revival of trade unionism, which was a surprising twist the Arab Spring had to offer in terms of activism. In a recent analysis, Samir Aita argued that the social and economic inequalities created in the Arab world over the last two decades by the liberalisation of the economy according to neo-liberal doctrine are the root causes of the uprisings and the desire for change and that this factor has been, and remains, more important than political and democratic demands.

Two important points need to be made in this respect. This attitude proved to be mistaken insofar as socio-economic demands were actually linked to the necessity for wider political changes and were then picked up by younger activists and students, thereby creating a bridge between two different social groups.

The Arab Spring can probably trace its success to this connection. These three key features of the activism of the Arab Spring are necessarily interconnected and highlight the distance between it and traditional civil society activism. Rather than offering empirical confirmation of the power of civil society to bring about democratic change in authoritarian contexts, the Arab Spring calls for a profound rethinking of the definition, normative conceptualisation and concrete application of the term.

In particular, the overwhelming focus on hierarchical organised structures such as non-governmental organisations should be revisited in light of new spaces of activism that were created during the age of upgraded authoritarianism. This does not mean that activated citizenship or individual engagement alone explain the Arab Spring as, without a broader structure in place, mobilisation on the scale seen during the Arab Spring could not have occurred.

For example, the experience and structures put in place by local union activists in the strikes of the mids in both Egypt and Tunisia or the online activities against specific governmental policies or police brutality served as the groundwork for coordinating the much broader mass mobilisation of The point is simply that structures are necessary, but the ones that were crucial during the Arab Spring were not the ones that traditional civil society groups had in place. It follows that there are three aspects in particular that need to be better thought out.

While a nuanced judgement is required regarding the revolutionary role of social media and new technologies, they were an important element in popularising a type of activism based on individual contributions. First, the arrival on the scene of new actors such as individual bloggers or revitalised trade unionism challenges received notions of what constitutes civil society, as the focus on traditional actors nominally engaged in favour of democracy and human rights proved to be misplaced in light of their inability to effect change.

In this respect, it is interesting to note that it is in wider society, where less formal and looser ties between politically unaffiliated youths are formed, that one finds democratising potential. Such potential thus has to rely on specific resources to be successful and, during the Arab Spring, such resources were available in the guise of the extent of the popular protests and their superior morality due to their peaceful nature.

In addition, the participation of a middle class growing tired of the predatory behaviour of capitalists linked to the regime provided the material resources to sustain the movement; where such a decision by the middle to join in the protests is absent or minoritarian, failure is in the cards.

The involvement of western nations or nations of the global north in coercing nations into making adjustments--including dropping trade barriers, lowering wages and the removal of social protections--had important implications on the growth of the protests.

For example, in the chant " al Sha'b Yurid Isqat al-Nizam " or people demand the overthrow of the regime " nizam " has two meanings, referring to both the ruling regime and the regime du savoir--"the regime of knowledge production.

Although mainstream western news outlets brought attention to poverty and unemployment as a primary reason for the uprisings, much coverage had centered and continues to center on political conflict and the corruption of the MENA. Moreover, it is not uncommon for these outlets to define nations that overthrew their leaders as entering a stage of "post-revolution," including with regard to Tunisia after Ben Ali was sentenced to prison and the overthrowing of Mubarak in Egypt and the death of Libyan dictator Gadhafi.

For example, although a CBC article references Rami Khouri who rejects the seasonal analogies that garnered much debate in western media and by scholars about the predicted short-lived status of the 'spring', the events in the 'Arab world' are described as "a historical process that most [w]estern democracies have gone through. The portrayal of the "Arab Spring," as a single event that had risen and has now dissipated--invoking the seasonal analogy--similarly erases the marginalized voices of those who had begun the protests and supported the movements and erases the number of local uprisings that were taking place before becoming more widespread in Gilbert Achcar, a professor of developmental studies and international relations, in an interview with Al Jazeera he argues that although political crisis and a desire for political freedom was an important dimension of the uprising, the deepest roots of the explosion were socioeconomic.

Achcar goes further to state that we must consider the how a political explosion of the magnitude--reaching across MENA--must necessarily be triggered by a convergence of factors, the one commonality throughout the region being a structural socioeconomic crisis. He notes that there were multiple local, regional uprisings in Tunisia before the one that became nationwide. With regard to the development of widespread uprisings throughout the MENA, the Tunisian Workers' Union and relative stability as a movement and Egypt for its wave of workers' strikes from onwards, as an initial reaction served as an important basis for the growth of protest due to an accumulation of anger and struggles.

This view dangerously displaces the actors of the uprisings and obfuscates the effects of imperialism through the coerced implementation of neoliberalism, relying on binary understandings that view the MENA and its histories as having occurred in a vacuum despite the growing forced interconnectedness as a result of globalization.

Some have also been critical about referring to Tunisia and occasionally Egypt as success stories. Mather notes that official events celebrating the uprisings have been organized by military, "keen to portray themselves as the saviours of the nation[, when] in reality they are the saviours of the ruling elite" and despite their involvement in suppressing protests to maintain their influence.

The Arab Spring has impacted the world immensely. The Arab Spring resulted in an explosion of political activity in countries which their authoritarian leaders were over thrown in the Middle East.

There was an increase in TV stations, online media usage, increase in the number of political parties and civil societies. It also resulted in the people fighting over whether Islam played a role in politics and drafting new constitutions or not. It brought to light a lot of the issues the public was divided over, such as social, religious and political ones.

There were also many rising tensions between Sunni and Shiite Muslims, which resulted in outbursts of violence. Armed conflict was also a result of the revolution; where old regimes did not want to submit easily to the opposition.

Unemployment and poor living conditions were on the rise, especially in war torn areas. While the Egyptians successfully overthrew President Mubarak as part of the Egyptian revolution in , statistics show that issues such as poverty remain a challenge, and it was one of the main causes of the uprisings that resulted in a revolution.

There is still fear of military rule, and the charges against Hosni Mubarak, of corruption and the deaths during the Arab Spring are acquitted in This causes anger from the people and protests. Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood however is sentenced to 20 years in prison, and in a separate trial he is sentenced to death. Currently in Egypt there are still protests, but now over a proposed sale of two islands to Saudi Arabia in the Red Sea.

The government is claiming a bridge over the Red Sea will help support export between Egypt and Saudia Arabia. However, many of the citizens fear this will make them a colony to Saudi Arabia [69]. Western-backed opposition forces captured Muammar Gaddafi, but Libya today is now an uncertain, anarchic state controlled by warring militias in different cities after a revolution which was led and supported by NATO.

Since the Islamic State has gained a foothold in Libya it has become a major departure point for many migrants trying to reach Europe. There are an estimated 2. There is current chaos through out Libya after Gaffafi was overthrown, and there is a lack of government transparency, unemployments rates are not going down, and uneven regional development [73].

Currently their legal system is barely functioning and courts have been shut down because of the dangers. Also many judges and lawyers have been the target of hate crimes and abductions [74]. Tunisia is generally the most stable and successful country to come out of the Arab Spring. They have a new constitution, which guarantees many fundamental rights and freedoms.

According to Amnesty International the constitution now includes rights to citizenship, bodily intergrity and freedom of movement, stronger protection for women's rights, and also protects rights to health, education and work [75] Tunisia is still in the works of building its fragile democracy in the aftermath of the revolution in Five years after the revolution, suicide protests persist, with another young Tunisian, Ridha Yahyaoui, electrocuting himself by climbing up a utility pole in frustration after being refused yet another job.

There are still moments of unrest, like when there was the assination of two leftists politicians: Chokri Belaid and Mhuammad Brahmi in [78]. In Tunisia was awarded with the Nobel Peace prize to commemorate how far they have come as a nation, and to congratulate them on their successes of getting through a political crisis [79]. Following protests and governmental repression in response ti wanting greater freedoms and improvements in living standards, Syria has become the site of a civil war between governmental authorities and opposing armed groups with different political aims.

It has that has shattered the original democratic ambitions of protesters and caused a refugee crisis which has been credited as the gravest global humanitarian crisis since War World II [80].

In , the political power long held by the Alawite Shia Muslim elite, has been challenged and a civil conflict initially sparked by the Arab Spring. This also led to over 11 million people to be displaced from their homes [81]. Heading into the rise of the Al-Nursa front, a radcial Islamist militia allied to Al Qaeda, led to a a period of cool, and international and regional support for their oppostion.

This resulted in Hezbollah Iranian backed Lebanese troops , to form and commit a counter offence with the new support. Other countries then became involved, such as Russia in , saying it was seeking to combat the Islamic State, but others like the West and opposition say they are just trying to attack Assad rebels hardest [82]. Today in you still see immense conflict and is uncertain if it will eventually calm down.

Yemen's former president Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced out of office in in the aftermath of large protests, but the political transition and development since then has faced several challenges.

Recently, the country has been caught up in the violence between Houthi rebels backed by Iran and Al-Qaeda-associated militants. After numerous pressures it was signed and Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi took power and formed a unity government. Under his rule there was even more poverty and malnutrition. Two groups started to lead movements through out Yemen such as the al-Qaeda in the south, and the Zaidi Shia rebels in the north [85].

The process of transition of power between President Saleh and President Saleh was disrupted in by the Huthi whom are loyal to the Zaidi Shia Islam; they strongly support Saleh [86]. Eventually in President Hadi steps down, and a Saudi Arabia led military coalition of ten states deploy air strikes, and put in place air strikes and sea blockades against the Huthis.

After the initial shock of the Arab Spring, many protests were met with violent responses. However, beginning in , a new wave of protest has swept through the region. Protests in Sudan culminated in a military coup d'etat, ousting former president Omar al-Bashir. The motivations and results of these new movements are varied, complex, and still evolving, demanding both sustained attention and careful study on the part of scholars, activists, and citizens alike.

The protests have shared some techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches, and rallies, as well as the effective use of social media to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and Internet censorship.